Pupil Barrister

Month: March 2010 (Page 2 of 3)

Nowness

Here I am, writing on my blog at 2:45am.
I’ve just read an interesting short blog post by Nicholas Carr on ‘Nowness’:

The Net’s bias, Gelernter explains, is toward the fresh, the new, the now. Nothing is left to ripen. History gets lost in the chatter. But, he suggests, we can correct that bias. We can turn the realtime stream into a “lifestream,” tended by historians, along which the past will crystallize into rich, digital deposits of knowledge.

I think this is why James Bridle’s Tweetbook appeals to me.  By pulling a large set of data into book form, James imposes a permanence on something that was previously transient.  I plan to recreate the project for my own tweets one day soon – Not to publish to the world, but a single copy for myself.  Twitter is a diary and it is upon diaries that some of the best history is derived.
I’ve found myself doing that with other creations too.  I have hundreds of digital photos sitting on my hard-drive, but I busied myself last weekend by printing out about five of them as 8″x5″ and putting them in nice frames.  I think that act of printing and fixing is an act of stepping out of the stream.  An act of stopping.  Only then can you look back, look forward, and perhaps, look properly inward, too.

New Arguments for ID Cards

This afternoon, I attended a speech by the Minister for Identity, Meg Hillier MP, hosted by the Social Market Foundation.  The address was titled “Building a national identity service for all” and presented much softer casefor identity cards, compared to the terror-focused arguments of a few years back. (I will link to the full text of the speech when it is published). I am told by her office that the speech will not be available.
The new reasoning centres around access to public services.  Many people, the poorest people, do have any form of identification at all: no passport, credit card, driving licence, or even household bills in their name.  ID cards, says Hillier, will provide a solution for these people, guaranteeing that they can quickly access the public services they need.  The idea that a robust and trusted form of identification can be a tool for empowerment is something that the liberal left, instinctively against ID cards, needs to consider.
The approach is not without problems.  Hillier says that people may miss out on a job, because employers are legally required to check you have the right to work in the UK, and inadequate identification might hinder this process.  Likewise, she says people may miss out on renting a flat, or be refused a bank account, due to lack of ID.  This may be so, but the hurdles that ID cards are designed to solve are actually regulations put in place by the government!  Why not lower the hurdles?  Why not create a new, entry-level type of bank account, with less overdraft and laundering possibilities?  That way, ID barriers and credit checks could be safely reduced (perhaps some economists amongst our readers could comment on the practicalities of this, or whether such accounts already exist).
Discussing the technicalities of the new card, Hillier mentioned the ubiquity of the iPhone and other modern gadgets that can run any number of applications.  “Why not put a chip in the phone?” she asked.  After all, it is the chip that is the important bit, not the waterproof plastic.  Quite right… but the wags will soon ask why we can’t put chips in our foreheads, too.
During the Q&A, I made a point about the tension between efficiency (which Hillier was keen to trumpet) and privacy.  Perhaps privacy lies somewhere in the inefficiency of systems talking to each other?  If it is actually a bit inconvenient to check someone’s identity, then those in a position of power over us are less likely to do so on a whim or a prejudice.  David Eastman has a beautiful short essay on this point:

If someone is trying to track me down, then someone must think I really am worth the effort.  Its when computers talk to other computers that liberty disappears. Because a computer can correlate countless bits of data and create new records that would take many humans exponentially longer to do. And that gap, or grace period, is actually where anonymity lies, or did.

Unfortunately, the Minister said this view was “bonkers”.  I fear this attitude has more to do with the inarticulacy of the person making the philosophical point, than with the underlying idea.  Anti-ID card campaigners are genuinely concerned that the system will be abused by officious and power-hungry government officials.  They are concerned that companies will start accepting only ID cards as suitable identification for giving people work.  If I was refused entry to a nightclub because I wasn’t on Facebook, or if I was refused employment because I was not on LinkedIn, then I would be rightly indignant.  If ID cards become so efficient as to be ubiquitous, and opting out becomes ever more impractical, then we do have a civil liberties issue on our hands.  It is a very specific point, and pedantic, perhaps, so I can see why the Minister would get a bit exhasperated.  But still, Meg,  “bonkers” is not enough of an answer.  Those arguing for ID cards need to address this issue, or risk the anti-card campaigners making this inference: That ID cards are designed to be ubiquitous, and designed to become so essential that opting out becomes a practical impossibility.  If this is the underlying motive, then the government should at least be honest with us.
The other hardy perennial in the case for ID cards, is that since we already have Oyster Cards, Nectar Cards, PayPal and Amazon accounts, we have already surrendered a lot more information about ourselves than would be stored on a database.  This argument is fundamentally weak – We can choose to completely opt-out of the Nectar card or Oyster system if we wish.  Facebook has privacy issues of its own, of course, but you can delete all your friends, tags, apps and photos if you want.  Can you opt out of the ID card system, once you have signed up for it?
“No” says The Minister.  Once you’ve tied your finger prints to your name and identity, its on the system forever.  This ensures that no-one else can put their finger-prints to your name and steal your identity, Jackal-style.  This seems sensible… but it is nevertheless a fundamentally different process to signing up for any number of user accounts.  Ministers should stop using the Nectar Card example as an argument for why ID cards are benign.
Hillier acknowledged throughout that the government has presented a “muddled message” on ID cards and that Labour should “take responsibility” for not putting out better arguments for the new system.  A case made on empowering the poor is a much better approach than one based on fear and xenophobia… but the government needs to do more – a lot more – to convince skeptics that it is not trying to introduce something much more comprehensive and far-reaching in the long term.

The Big Libel Gig

Last night, the Libel Reform Campaign staged ‘The Big Libel Gig’, an evening of comedy, science and politics.  Scientists Simon Singh and Brian Cox joined doctors Ben Goldacre (author of ‘Bad Science‘) and Peter Wilmshurst.  Politicians Evan Harris (Lib Dem), Peter Bottomley (Con) and Paul Farrelly (Lab) also took a turn, alongside the proper comedians: Robin Ince, Marcus Brigstocke, Ed Byrne, Shappi Khorsandi and Dara O’Briain.
Some of my photos from backstage and in the wings are online at Flickr:

In parliament, the campaign reached a tipping point – the majority of eligible MPs have now signed Early Day Motion 423 which calls for reform.
Unfortunately, the libel laws are still being used to suppress discussion in the public interest.  Professor Francisco Lacerda is a Swedish academic who has been threatened with a libel suit by an Israeli lie detector manufacturer. He visited London last week, to highlight how England’s libel laws prevent him from publishing research about technology being used by the DWP in England. Millions of pounds of public money has been spent on this technology.

More on the Political Correctness Debate

Joys!  A video of my Political Correctness debate is now online.  I will resist the temptation to embed it on the blog.  (h/t Olly)
I’ve been reading Consider the Lobster, a collection of essays by the late David Foster Wallace.  In the rambling but delightful ‘Tense Present‘, he lays into the concept of Political Correct English (PCE), which he sees as dangerous:

I refer here to Politically Correct English (PCE), under whose conventions failing students become “high-potential” students and poor people “economically disadvantaged” … This reviewer’s own opinion is that prescriptive PCE is not just silly but confused and dangerous.
Usage is always political, of course, but it’s complexly political. With respect, for instance, to political change, usage conventions can function in two ways: On the one hand they can be a reflection of political change, and on the other they can be an instrument of political change. These two functions are different and have to be kept straight. Confusing them — in particular, mistaking for political efficacy what is really just a language’s political symbolism … — enables the bizarre conviction that America ceases to be elitist or unfair simply because Americans stop using certain vocabulary that is historically associated with elitism and unfairness. This is PCE’s central fallacy — that a society’s mode of expression is productive of its attitudes rather than a product of those attitudes — and of course it’s nothing but the obverse of the politically conservative SNOOT’S delusion that social change can be retarded by restricting change in standard usage.
Forget Stalinization or Logic 101-level equivocations, though. There’s a grosser irony about Politically Correct English. This is that PCE purports to be the dialect of progressive reform but is in fact — in its Orwellian substitution of the euphemisms of social equality for social equality itself — of vastly more help to conservatives and the U.S. status quo than traditional SNOOT prescriptions ever were.

On this final paragraph, I disagree.  As I said in the Cambridge debate, I don’t think Political Correctness is the same as Orwellian Censorship, because the latter is intended to make you forget concepts, which is surely the reverse of what PCE intends and achieves.
In a later essay ‘Host‘, he acknowledges in a sidenote the decent aspect of Political Correctness, and captures my own feelings on the matter that I tried to lay out in my Cambridge speech:

EDITORIAL OPINION   This is obviously a high-voltage area to get into, but for what it’s worth, John Ziegler does not appear to be a racist as “racist” is generally understood. What he is is more like very, very insensitive—although Mr. Z. himself would despise that description, if only because “insensitive” is now such a PC shibboleth. Actually, though, it is in the very passion of his objection to terms like “insensitive,” “racist,” and “the N-word” that his real problem lies. Like many other post-Limbaugh hosts, John Ziegler seems unable to differentiate between (1) cowardly, hypocritical acquiescence to the tyranny of Political Correctness and (2) judicious, compassionate caution about using words that cause pain to large groups of human beings, especially when there are several less upsetting words that can be used. Even though there is plenty of stuff for reasonable people to dislike about Political Correctness as a dogma, there is also something creepy about the brutal, self-righteous glee with which Mr. Z. and other conservative hosts defy all PC conventions. If it causes you real pain to hear or see something, and I make it a point to inflict that thing on you merely because I object to your reasons for finding it painful, then there’s something wrong with my sense of proportion, or my recognition of your basic humanity, or both.

I think this is at the heart of it.  I don’t think it is viable to deny that, at times, Political Correctness has indeed “gone mad”, because that’s obviously not true – Ann Widdecombe’s speech to the Cambridge Union was a litany of ridiculous examples of the genre.  But that is not the same thing as saying that the entire concept is flawed beyond redemption.  Abandoning political correctness because of the “gone mad” elements would be to throw the baby out with the bath water, I think.
Put another way, had the debate at Cambridge been something like ‘Political Correctness Has Gone Mad’ then my allies and I might have lost.  Luckily for us, the debate was framed in precisely the opposite terms ‘Political Correctness is Sane And Necessary’ placed the burden of proof on the other side.  This was an impossible task when Medhi Hassan asked, at the outset, whether we wanted to return to the days of ‘Paki’ as an easy, acceptable perjorative.  Of course we don’t, and no amount of textual acrobatics from David Foster Wallace will change that.

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