Pupil Barrister

Tag: Political Correctness (Page 6 of 8)

More on the Political Correctness Debate

Joys!  A video of my Political Correctness debate is now online.  I will resist the temptation to embed it on the blog.  (h/t Olly)
I’ve been reading Consider the Lobster, a collection of essays by the late David Foster Wallace.  In the rambling but delightful ‘Tense Present‘, he lays into the concept of Political Correct English (PCE), which he sees as dangerous:

I refer here to Politically Correct English (PCE), under whose conventions failing students become “high-potential” students and poor people “economically disadvantaged” … This reviewer’s own opinion is that prescriptive PCE is not just silly but confused and dangerous.
Usage is always political, of course, but it’s complexly political. With respect, for instance, to political change, usage conventions can function in two ways: On the one hand they can be a reflection of political change, and on the other they can be an instrument of political change. These two functions are different and have to be kept straight. Confusing them — in particular, mistaking for political efficacy what is really just a language’s political symbolism … — enables the bizarre conviction that America ceases to be elitist or unfair simply because Americans stop using certain vocabulary that is historically associated with elitism and unfairness. This is PCE’s central fallacy — that a society’s mode of expression is productive of its attitudes rather than a product of those attitudes — and of course it’s nothing but the obverse of the politically conservative SNOOT’S delusion that social change can be retarded by restricting change in standard usage.
Forget Stalinization or Logic 101-level equivocations, though. There’s a grosser irony about Politically Correct English. This is that PCE purports to be the dialect of progressive reform but is in fact — in its Orwellian substitution of the euphemisms of social equality for social equality itself — of vastly more help to conservatives and the U.S. status quo than traditional SNOOT prescriptions ever were.

On this final paragraph, I disagree.  As I said in the Cambridge debate, I don’t think Political Correctness is the same as Orwellian Censorship, because the latter is intended to make you forget concepts, which is surely the reverse of what PCE intends and achieves.
In a later essay ‘Host‘, he acknowledges in a sidenote the decent aspect of Political Correctness, and captures my own feelings on the matter that I tried to lay out in my Cambridge speech:

EDITORIAL OPINION   This is obviously a high-voltage area to get into, but for what it’s worth, John Ziegler does not appear to be a racist as “racist” is generally understood. What he is is more like very, very insensitive—although Mr. Z. himself would despise that description, if only because “insensitive” is now such a PC shibboleth. Actually, though, it is in the very passion of his objection to terms like “insensitive,” “racist,” and “the N-word” that his real problem lies. Like many other post-Limbaugh hosts, John Ziegler seems unable to differentiate between (1) cowardly, hypocritical acquiescence to the tyranny of Political Correctness and (2) judicious, compassionate caution about using words that cause pain to large groups of human beings, especially when there are several less upsetting words that can be used. Even though there is plenty of stuff for reasonable people to dislike about Political Correctness as a dogma, there is also something creepy about the brutal, self-righteous glee with which Mr. Z. and other conservative hosts defy all PC conventions. If it causes you real pain to hear or see something, and I make it a point to inflict that thing on you merely because I object to your reasons for finding it painful, then there’s something wrong with my sense of proportion, or my recognition of your basic humanity, or both.

I think this is at the heart of it.  I don’t think it is viable to deny that, at times, Political Correctness has indeed “gone mad”, because that’s obviously not true – Ann Widdecombe’s speech to the Cambridge Union was a litany of ridiculous examples of the genre.  But that is not the same thing as saying that the entire concept is flawed beyond redemption.  Abandoning political correctness because of the “gone mad” elements would be to throw the baby out with the bath water, I think.
Put another way, had the debate at Cambridge been something like ‘Political Correctness Has Gone Mad’ then my allies and I might have lost.  Luckily for us, the debate was framed in precisely the opposite terms ‘Political Correctness is Sane And Necessary’ placed the burden of proof on the other side.  This was an impossible task when Medhi Hassan asked, at the outset, whether we wanted to return to the days of ‘Paki’ as an easy, acceptable perjorative.  Of course we don’t, and no amount of textual acrobatics from David Foster Wallace will change that.

After The Debate

I promised I would put up a few afterthoughts on the Political Correctness debate I particpated in last month.  Its hardly a live story now, but I do think it is important to write follow-ups to such happenings.  I should say at the outset that our side eventually prevailed, 221-177.

Whose language?

One of the more forceful dissents from the floor, which addressed my speech in particular, asked why we needed to change our language when it gets misused. Surely that is giving into the racists if we allow them to ruin our language for us?

New Statesman Political Editor Mehdi Hassan

New Statesman Political Editor Mehdi Hassan


Mehdi Hassan responded to that immediately by saying that he really didn’t want to be called a ‘Paki’, thankyouverymuch. However, later, during David Aaronovich’s speech, the conundrum resurfaced when a person who was disabled said he didn’t find the term ‘spastic’ offensive, and that he would like to reclaim the name for his condition as a normal word, not an insult.
This was, I think, a reasonable dissent to my argument about respecting the names people chose for themselves, but there are a few retorts. The first is that his own preference may not be shared by others. The second, which answers the wider point, is that languages have evolved and changed according to the needs of the time. They are not immutable. There is nothing necessarily precious about certain names, that mean we can’t abandon them if they come to have offensive overtones (or histories, to carry forward my argument from the debate). In other circumstances, it is possible to reclaim words and shave off the offensive meaning. Think of ‘Nigga’ versus ‘Nigger’ (though many would argue that the former has unpleasant overtones of it’s own).

Involving the Police, and the ‘chilling’ effect

Alex Deane, Director of Big Brother Watch

Alex Deane, Director of Big Brother Watch


Both Medhi Hassan and myself were keen to point out at the start that we did not want to defend any police interference in matters of speech, except when it relates to incitement. This is not the sort of ‘political correctness’ we want to have anything to do with. I made an off the cuff remark that the police visit to Lynette Burrows, after she made some homophobic remarks on the radio, was a “one off” – Ann Widdecombe pointed out in a highly inconvenient ‘point of information’ that this was not the case. Later, in her speech, Widdecombe derided the tendency for one state agency (e.g. Local councils) to call another (the police) to investigate citizens on matters of speech. I’m still not sure how prevelant it is, but that is neither here not there. There exists, as Alex Deane pointed out in his summing up, a “chilling effect” of Lynette Burrows being visited by the police, regardless of whether or not she was charged with anything. This is a staple argument for the free speech campaigning we do at English PEN, so I had forseen the argument, and had been hoping (for the purposes of winning he debate) that no-one would bring it up. Alex Deane did just that, and in doing so made one of the most powerful arguments for his side, opposing the motion.
However, while the “chilling effect” is an issue, I don’t think it fatally undermines the political correctness argument. When Deane challenged me to account for what might have inspired the police to visit Burrows and others, I replied that I thought leadership was the problem. I think the principles of political correctness are pretty clear, but public sector employees are not given clear guidance and proper moral support, then you get cowardice on the one hand, confusion on the other, and ill-advised busy-bodies making decisions they shouldn’t. Thus we have the fiasco of Lynette Burrows encounter with the police, and the pathetic dictats like “Baa Baa Rainbow Sheep”, a litany of which made up the entirety of Ann Widdecombe’s speech. What I believed before the debate, and still believe, is that these nonsenses, the real political-correctness-gone-mad-stories, are outliers and anomalies, elevated by tabloid sensationalism. They are not, as Will Burrows claimed in his speech, genuinely part of the fabric of the nation. I think the audience realised this, which is why they ultimately voted in our favour.
David Aaronovich said he wished that someone would Google all Ann Widdecome’s PC-gone-mad examples after the event. I thought this rather stepped outside the boundaries of the debate, which depends on the rhetoric and facts you can bring into the chamber. Nevertheless, I would love to see a site like Fight The Smears which collected all Widdecombe’s examples in one place. Those that are false could be exposed in he manner of Oliver Burkeman’s fine debunking of the so-called ‘War on Christmas’. Those that are true would present a robust challenge to those of us who defend political correctness, because instances of stupidity really do undermine the cause.  It might even discourage a repetition in the future.   And of course debunking tabloid myths is always to the good…

Forbidden Words

Conservative MP Ann Widdecombe

Conservative MP Ann Widdecombe


Deane also derided Medhi, Aaronovich and yrstruly for uttering all the un-PC words in the manner of giggling schoolboys. I stood up to sincerely point out that I took no pleasure in saying those words. Widdecombe’s retort was “well, why say them, then?”
Quite. Having spent quite a bit of time recently working on a libel campaign, I guess I had it in my head that I should repeat the words as part of some sort of “qualified privilege“, to show that the offence of the words lies in the context.  But on reflection, I think this was unnecessary.

This House Believes Political Correctness is Sane and Necessary

So, I was invited to take part in a debate at the Cambridge Union on Thursday night. We were debating the motion “This House Believes That Political Correctness is Sane and Necessary”, and naturally, I was proposing the motion.
On my side of the floor was New Statesman political editor Medhi Hasan and Times Columnist David Aaronovich. Facing us were UKIP candidate Will Burrows, Ann Widdecombe MP, and Alex Deane.
Since Political Correctness deals with how people express themselves, why they say and write, I thought it was important to have a go at reconciling it with Free Speech. What sort of political correctness could a campaigner with English PEN endorse?
Below is an approximation of my speech. I did ad lib some hilarious, off the cuff remarks during the delivery, but these were not part of my notes. So please rest assured that although the following might seem earnest and dry, when I gave the speech all the students were rolling in the aisles…1
Since the debate us now over, I will let this stand alone, but I’ll add another post later with more thoughts on the evening, and log some points (positive and negative) from the floor.


1. This may not be true.
Continue reading

Social Cost of Slavery

Via Blattman, by way of Sides and Sullivan, an interesting piece of research on how the slave trade had an impact down the generations:

we show that individuals whose ancestors were heavily threatened by the slave trade today exhibit less trust in neighbors, family co-ethnics, and their local government. (pdf)

This reminds me of several things.  The first is the debate between Alan Keyes and Barack Obama in 2004, when they contested the Illinois Senate seat that Obama eventually won by a landslide.  Keyes essentially accused Obama of being “not black enough“:

Barack Obama and I are of the same race, but we are not of the same heritage. And there is a distinction. Race is something physical. Heritage is something that may have an element that is physical or biological, but that also includes other elements of history and experience–the kinds of things that have helped to shape the mind and heart of an individual and that are not determined by physics and biology. And we are of different heritages. I’m of a slave heritage, and he is not.

Although Keyes was right to make the distinction between heritage and race, he was wrong to think it had any electoral relevance.  And in the light of the Harvard research, it looks like he was wrong about the extent of the differences between his and Obama’s heritage.   Even if Obama, through his father, is not of slave descent, he is however from a people from whence slaves were drawn.  And that brings with it similar social problems to bona fide slave children (as Keyes would have it).
Second, I’m reminded incidentally of the correlation between the counties that voted blue (i.e. Democrat) last November, and the cotton picking regions of mid-nineteenth century America.
Thirdly, I’m reminded of G.K. Chesterton’s formulation: “We are the heir of all ages”.
Which in turn allows me to ponder the idea of ancestor worship, popular in many African cultures.  Taken literally, the idea that your forebears might be watching you seems like an irrelevant and primitive idea.  However, seen through the prism of the Harvard research, the idea of being haunted by your country’s collective past takes on a new and very real meaning.  The unease of great-grandparents long-since buried, still festers in the soul, and it cannot be excised by education, science or modernity.

Part of the 'Gambella Stories' series by Turkairo

Part of the ‘Gambella Stories’ series by Turkairo

Cameron's Speech

I thought it was better delivered than the Prime Minister’s, although that was to be expected.  The rhetoric flowed more easily too, and several of the passages could resonate with undecideds, despite being deceptions:

For Labour there is only the state and the individual, nothing in between. No family to rely on, no friend to depend on, no community to call on. No neighbourhood to grow in, no faith to share in, no charities to work in.

This looks like nonsense to me:  Labour politicians know that neighbourhoods and communities and families are important – they are where much of the state intervention is directly targeted, and the place where state agencies deliver the rest.  Regardless, the Big State meme will take hold, especially with ‘Brown-the-Control-Freak’ at the helm.
The passage where he attributes “there’s no such thing as society” to the current Government was a brave gamble, but one that I suspect will fail.  In reminding the voters of one of Thatcher’s most offensive quips, he also plants the idea that the current societal problems are the result of her destructive policies.  It is tightrope rhetoric.
However, it was here that he lost me:

This attitude, this whole health and safety, human rights act culture, has infected every part of our life. If you’re a police officer you now cannot pursue an armed criminal without first filling out a risk assessment form. Teachers can’t put a plaster on a child’s grazed knee without calling a first aid officer.

Health and Safety Culture is surely inspired by Litigation Culture.  When a child comes home with a plaster on its knee, angry parents are going to ask, not unreasonably, for a full account.  Likewise, who would not want a police-officer to consult with his superiors, before accosting someone who may be armed?  I’ve listened to several exchanges on police frequencies, where officers were considering approaching such suspects.  It takes time, but its safe and sensible.
Such legislation, however inconvenient, is inspired by an actual concern for the Health and Safety of our children, and our police officers, &ct.  I seriously doubt the Conservatives would change these laws substantially.   Its a populist platitude.
Oh yeah, and attacking the Human Rights Act is a deal breaker for this blogger.

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